Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
December 28, 2009 to January 3, 2010
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Nepal, the legendary land of the Buddha’s birth, was also the birthplace of two generations of eminent Nepalese Buddhist nuns. Dhammacari Guruma, born in 1898 in Kathmandu, represents the first generation of exceptional nuns in Nepal. Dhammawati, born in 1934 in Patan, represents the second generation. Both of these exceptional nuns were highly intelligent and learned to read as young girls in their homes, even though education for girls was prohibited and there were no schools for girls at the time. Both of them took an interest in Buddhism at a young age and were pioneers of the Theravada sasana in the Newari community of the Kathmandu Valley. Both of these nuns faced significant obstacles in times when Buddhism was suppressed in Nepal and both struggled to overcome these obstacles.
Against all odds, both these two nuns gathered large followings of devoted Buddhist disciples. Both of them established viharas (monasteries) for women at a time when almost no viharas for women existed in Nepal. Both were devoted to public education and social welfare, selflessly sharing their knowledge and also helping the needy. Both of them were outspoken advocates of women’s ability to practice the Dhamma and their potential to achieve the fruits of the path, including liberation. Both of them were detained by the authorities: Dhammacari by the Nepalese authorities for starting a literacy program and Dhammawati for traveling to Burma without proper travel documents. Both of them also encountered opposition from the Nepalese Bhikkhu Sangha.
For all their similarities, however, there were also many differences in the life experience of these two nuns. Between the time of Dhammacari Guruma’s birth in 1898 and Bhikkhuni Dhammawati’s birth in 1934, enormous changes occurred in Nepali society, politics, and religion, especially for women. Dhammacari observed the eight precepts of an anagarika, whereas Dhammawati took the unprecedented step of receiving the 348 precepts of a bhikkhu (fully ordained nun). Dhammacari had hundreds of lay disciples, but no direct nun disciples, in contrast to Dhammawati, who had thousands of lay disciples and almost 50 direct nun disciples, 28 of whom are bhikkhunis. This paper will explore the similarities and differences between the life experiences of these two outstanding nuns.
In contemporary Theravada Buddhist countries it has been generally believed for some time now that women’s full ordination lineage is already lost and can never be restored. Thus, in Thailand and the surrounding countries, women practitioners usually take eight precepts as the discipline for their renounced religious practice. It has been pointed out that eight-precept practitioners are not always accorded the religious status of world renunciants and that their lack of definite status as renunciants has an effect on their social recognition. On the one hand, they are said to be female renunciants replacing bhikkhuni (fully ordained Buddhist nuns); on the other hand, they humbly call themselves upasika (laywomen) doing religious practice and do not compare themselves to bhikkhu (fully ordained Buddhist monks) in terms of status or religious authority.
The obscure position of women practitioners who dedicate themselves to religious practice and factually live as renunciants, but are neither fully ordained nuns nor secular laywomen is not necessarily desirable. Some women who take practitioners’ robes behave in contradiction to their precepts; some even go begging, return home, and support themselves and their family members with the alms they have collected. Although in Thailand nowadays there seem to be far fewer cases than the past, such behavior can erode people’s confidence in women practitioners; therefore, strict and constant observance of discipline is considered essential for women to be respected as renunciants. In Thailand, a group of renounced women practitioners (mae chi in Thai) established the Institute for Thai Mae Chi in 1969 to consolidate their discipline and status as factual renunciants, even though legal and religious authorities do not sanction them as renunciants.
In Thailand both temporary lay practitioners and permanently renounced mae chi take the same eight precepts and the same white robes, so it is difficult to distinguish them from one another. Originally, the eight precepts are intended for lay Buddhists to observe on such occasions as full-moon or new-moon days (wan phra in Thai) and during short-term retreats, in order to engage in temporary religious practice in a monastery. Because of the nature of the eight precepts, it is difficult to restrict someone from taking and abandoning the precepts and practitioners’ robes frequently and from going back and forth between the monastery and the secular world. Therefore, no matter how strictly a group of mae chi may impose disciplines on themselves, it is not easy for the general public to recognize mae chi as “renunciants” who are different from occasional lay practitioners.
This paper will examine Theravada Buddhist women’s eight-precept discipline in terms of its inherent meaning and actual practice by groups of Theravada Buddhists in the present day. The study will focus on Thailand, in particular, with occasional references to other Theravada Buddhist countries. The paper will also highlight several attempts to enhance renounced women practitioners’ social recognition by promoting a stricter observance of the eight precepts and by taking alternative systems of precepts.
Cheju is the largest island off the southern coast of the Korean peninsula. Due to its size and distance from the peninsula, the island has enjoyed a considerable degree of political and cultural autonomy throughout its history. In the ancient period, Cheju even claimed a separate kingship from the dynasties on the mainland. The importance of this island in the contemporary Korean political system is shown by its status as an independent province.
My paper is concerned with the history of Buddhism on the Cheju Island, focusing on Bhiksuni Pongnyŏgwan (1865-1938), who single-handedly transformed the island’s religious topography in the early 20th century by reviving Buddhism which had disappeared from the island for nearly two centuries. During Chosŏn Korea (1392-1910), Cheju, just as other regions of the country was subject to an anti-Buddhist policy which Confucian officials enforced from the beginning of the dynasty. According to historical records, however, Buddhist practice continued on the island until the late 15th century when it began to decline. A decisive measure against Buddhism came with King Sukchong’s appointment of Yi Hyŏngsang to a high position in the provincial government of Cheju. As soon as he arrived on the island in 1702, Yi launched a major campaign to destroy Buddhist temples and shamanistic shrines in Cheju. Consequently, Buddhism virtually disappeared from this region until Pongnyŏgwan reinstated it by founding Kwanŭmsa (Avalokiteshvara Temple) in 1909.
While she left an indelible mark on the modern history of Buddhism on the Cheju Island, Pongnyŏgwan’s extraordinary life was unknown to mainlanders until her fourth-generation Dharma heir Hyejŏn introduced her to the National Bhiksuni Assembly of Korea in 2006. In my presentation, I will trace the amazing life story of Pongnyŏgwan. The main focus, however, will not be her biography itself, but her unusual pattern of practice and especially her well-known “miracle work,” which is still remembered vividly by the older generation of islanders today. In pursuing the life path of Pongnyŏgwan, I intend to address various questions related to supernatural abilities as signs of eminence in Buddhism.
From the immense land of China, to one of the 7,107 islands of the Philippines, to one of the 236 islands of Hong Kong, to one of the 19 islands and atolls of Hawai’i, Bhiksuni Rei Miao was instrumental in sharing Dharma across cultures and generations. Her visionary and determined leadership inspired others to also become leaders.
In Hawai’i, Bhiksuni Rei Miao worked in the spirit of Aloha. A stands for ala, watchfulness and alertness. L stands for lokahi, working in unity. O stands for oia'i'o, truthfulness and honesty. H stands for ha'aha'a, humility. The final A stands for ahonui, patient perseverance. These Hawaiian values are strikingly similar for Buddhist values and the cultivation of the six perfections (paramitas). This paper is a tribute to Bhiksuni Rei Miao’s legacy of sharing Dharma in the land of aloha and beyond.
Bhiksuni Yan Zhi was educated in the Confucian classics, which was a rarity for women in her day, but was not bound by conservative thinking. At the age of 17, she joined the revolutionary United League of Sun Yat Sen to oppose the Qing Dynasty and fight for the cause of justice. Sometime before World War II, however, she traveled south across the ocean to Malaya and became transformed from a revolutionary to an advocate of the Buddha’s teachings. In 1931, she took refuge in the Three Jewels, became a vegetarian, and devoted herself to serving the Buddha’s teachings. After traveling far and wide, she received bhiksuni ordination and lent her strength to Buddhism.
In 1955, Bhiksuni Yan Zhi bought a plot of undeveloped land in Petaling Jaya, where she constructed Bao Lin Fa Yuan as a permanent base for spreading Dharma. Previously, she had been a popular fortune teller, but after learning the Dharma, she realized the truth of impermanence and became increasingly devoted to the Buddha’s teachings. Although she lived in turbulent times, she diligently promoted a correct interpretation of the Buddha’s teachings and led charitable activities to relieve the sufferings of the poor, the elderly, and orphans. This paper describes her personal practice and the Dharma activities that made her an outstanding exemplar.
For Buddhists, the epitome of enlightened leadership is the Buddha himself. The Buddha led by teaching a path to awakening that is open to all. The path to awakening – a process of purifying the mind of afflictions, such as greed, hatred, and ignorance – is one that can be followed by women and men alike. Traditionally, however, the fact that the Buddha, the model of human perfection, was male seemed to imply to future generations that men were more somehow more capable of awakening than women. This impression was bolstered by the eight special rules attributed to the Buddha that assigned nuns a subordinate status within the Sangha (monastic order). As a consequence, it became customary in Buddhist societies to give greater opportunities to monks than to nuns, men than to women, and boys than to girls.
Historically, monasteries for monks were the democratically organized training centers for Buddhist leadership and over the centuries most Buddhist leaders have been male. Nuns lived in separate monastic centers that were similarly organized, but because they depended on the monks for certain rituals, a gender hierarchy developed. However, the subordinate status of nuns is at odds with the Buddhist theory that mind has no intrinsic gender, hence there is no inherent impediment to women’s enlightenment. Women have equal potential for liberation and therefore should have equal access to Buddhist knowledge and training. Any impediments to women’s full participation in the tradition are impermanent and can be removed. Based on this logic, today Buddhist women are initiating widespread changes for women around the world.
This paper is an exploration of what traditional models of leadership mean for women. Because women have generally played supportive roles in Buddhist societies and have often lacked access to formal education, models of women’s leadership are few. This paper will examine the paths to leadership that were traditionally open to women, their effectiveness, and their relevance for Buddhist women today.
In 2,600 years, Buddhism has developed and spread to many countries in Asia, the United States, and Europe. Yet from the Buddha’s time until now, the roles, capabilities, and potential of nuns have not yet received proper recognition. Recently, however, influenced and nourished by different cultures and philosophies, a wide range of ideas regarding women’s roles in Buddhism are being discussed.
As a Buddhist nun, I will limit my discussion to the monastic communities of Taiwan. Compared with other areas in the world, Buddhist nuns in Taiwan are treated with due respect and equality. In such favorable conditions, nuns in Taiwan have actively engaged in the academic study of Buddhism, research, monastic education, Buddhist art and architecture, charity work, disaster relief, and many other activities. Their achievements in these areas have received public recognition in Taiwan and throughout the world.
This paper is a general introduction to the endeavors of nuns in these various areas. A few examples of work in each area will be cited and discussed. The Dharma Drum Mountain Sangha, a representative group, will be used to illustrate the success of nuns’ roles in the monastic community and their active engagement in society.
With the growing number of women practitioners in the world, the need for women teachers and proper guidance for women practitioners has increased rapidly. By sharing examples of nuns’ successes, I hope to encourage women to continue their efforts. I will suggest that women’s roles and potential can be reviewed and given new meaning in the modern world.
This paper examines Bhiksuni Daehaeng (b. 1927), who in 1972 established the One Mind Zen Center, one of the most successful urban mega-centers in South Korea. The center is located in Anyang, near Seoul, and has 15 domestic and nine overseas branches, with 22,000 families as lay followers. The center’s success can be attributed to the charismatic leadership of Daehaeng.
Daehaeng’s charisma is seen in her legendary ascetic practices in the forest and her supernatural abilities, i.e., to communicate with the dead and to call upon the protection of Buddhist deities. She has dedicated her life to teaching laypeople and has begun attracting a huge following of males and younger individuals, which stands in contrast to the majority of laypeople, who are mostly female and older. Her emphasis on daily practice and a belief in one’s own nature as Buddha-like, in addition to her charismatic power, had caused the center to be a huge success in terms of conversions in urban settings.
It is unusual for a bhiksuni to establish herself as a spiritual leader in Korea, where Confucian ideology still holds power over gender relationships, let alone to have a huge following of intellectual males. Even more impressive, she is the first bhiksuni in modern Korea to have bhiksu disciples. The status of a bhiksuni is relatively equal to that of a bhiksu in Korea; nuns can receive full ordination from their teachers and have their own doctrinal schools and meditation halls, independent of those of monks. Korean nuns still suffer inequalities in relation to monks, however, and have to observe the Eight Chief Rules, which have long subjugated nuns to monks. Under these circumstances, having male disciples, as in the case of Daehaeng, is an unprecedented and phenomenal occurrence. This attests to Daehaeng’s status in Korean Buddhism.
Daehaeng has produced many publications, many of which have been translated into English as well as other languages, based on the efforts of her lay followers at the One Mind Center. This paper will present an analysis of the reasons for her success by focusing on her teachings and the operation of the One Mind Center.
As an adult educator and a facilitator of dialogue, I design and deliver training in leadership and communication with the Justice Institute of British Columbia, Canada’s Centre for Leadership. As a Buddhist practitioner, I study, practice, and incorporate the Dharma into both the material I teach and the way I present it. Educating and facilitating others, I investigate and acknowledge how closely the Dharma is integrated into contemporary practices of leadership and communication.
In this paper, I will explore the conference theme: “Eminent Buddhist Women” from the perspective of how contemporary leadership and communication practices of women mirror and integrate the Buddhadharma. Specifically, the paper will explore the quality of upaya, “skill-in-means,” in the context of current best practices in leadership and communication.
In addition to the ten mahasvāvakas, or great disciple monks, there are also ten bhikkhunis who were renowned as great disciple nuns. It is notable that these ten bhikkhunis came from very different social backgrounds and each had a distinctive personal history. Once they came upon the Buddhadhamma, each developed her practice and achieved eminence. These nuns are:
1. Bhikkhuni Mahapajjapati was formerly a queen of King Suddhodana (the Buddha's father), who ruled Kapilavatthu. She became the first bhikkhuni and the leader of the Bhikkhuni Sangha.
2. Bhikkhuni Khema, a former consort of King Bimbasara of Magadha. She became the foremost in wisdom, parallel to Bhikkhu Sariputta among the monks.
3. Bhikkhuni Uppalavanna was a renowned beauty from a commercial family. After she became a nun, she developed supernormal powers and was recognized as foremost among the nuns in this regard.
4. Bhikkhuni Dhammadinna was an upper class housewife who became foremost among the nuns in preaching the Dhamma.
5. Bhikkhuni Patacara was a desperate widow who became preeminent among the nuns in helping distressed women.
6. Bhikkhuni Kisagotami was a distraught woman who asked the Buddha for medicine to bring her dead child back to life (Dhp 278; 114) and later became foremost among the nuns in ascetic practices (Thig 213-223; SN 5:3).
7. Bhikkhuni Bimba, formerly the wife of Prince Siddhartha, became foremost in peaceful abiding.
8. Bhikkhuni Bhaddā Kudalakesā, a passionate young woman, became foremost in quickness of understanding (A. I:14; Dhp. 101; Therigatha 107-9; Ap.II, 3:1, vv. 38-46).
9. Bhikkhuni Soma, a disillusioned mother of many children, worked very hard to expel all the fetters from her heart (Ap.II, 3:6, 234-36) and became renowned as foremost in diligence (Dhp. 112, Thig 102-6; SN. 5:2).
10. Bhikkhuni Nandā, an attractive princess, practiced diligently to overcome her selfishness and narcissism and came to be praised as foremost in meditation (Thig. 82-86).
There were also many eminent laywomen at the time of the Buddha, including:
1. Lady Visakha was highly respected because she was at once attractive, intelligent, compassionate, and devoted.
2. Queen Mallika was an intelligent and courageous queen who saved many lives.
3. Queen Samavati used boundless love (metta) to transform a violent king into a sober truth-seeker. Her life’s circumstances also reveal the secret to living a healthy life in troubled times. She is an extraordinary example of how the practice of boundless love affected her and the people around her.
4.A dwarfed and cunning servant who was transformed into a righteous, eminent Dhamma teacher. Her encounter with the Dhamma provides a glimpse of how Dhamma education works in miraculous ways to transform people in all walks of life.
5. Ambapali was a famous courtesan, who, after seeing the impermanent nature of youth and beauty and the vanity of fame and wealth, renounced the world and eventually became an arhat.
In Pali literature, one finds reference to many eminent women. There are many bhikshunis who practice and spread the Buddhadhamma and there are references to laywomen who practice while living the household life. Visakha, known as the Miggar Mata, was the most excellent of laywomen and became very famous. Looking at Vishakha’s life, all would leave inspired. She had a family and, at the same time, made tremendous contributions to the Dhamma. Her inspirational life led her family and many others to convert to Buddhism.
Vishakha was born in the kingdom of Magadha and both her parents were disciples of Sakyamuni Buddha. She had deep faith in the Buddha, which continued after her marriage to the son of Miggar, a merchant from Sravasti. Early in her marriage, she experienced many obstacles, but due to her great devotion to the Buddha, she was able to overcome them all. She became highly acclaimed for her generosity and her wisdom. Her life of devotion to the Buddha and the Sangha continues to inspire women even today.
In the 4th century CE, Zhong Ling Yi went forth and became the first woman in China to take the bhiksuni precepts. After her ordination, the newly named Jing Jian ordained many more women, including her great disciple, An Ling Shou. What gave these women the courage to take these steps, even when there were no other women to guide them? Were they renegades or innovators? What social and political obstacles did they face? Once they became nuns, did these obstacles vanish or did new ones arise? What became of their lineage?
My paper will introduce the hallmarks of Jing Jian and An Ling Shou’s lives based on period accounts, such as the Biqiuni Zhuan (Lives of the Nuns), Gao Seng Zhuan (Lives of Eminent Monks), and other early Chinese works. As we explore their lives and the lives of their contemporaries, we shall identify the constraints they faced, the paths they took, and the lessons to be learned from them.
Today, as Buddhism spreads to more and more countries outside of Asia and enjoys a renaissance within Asia itself, reflecting on the lives of these nuns may be significant for newly emerging Bhiksuni Sanghas. What can the established Bhiksu and Bhiksuni Sanghas do to mentor these new pioneers? What skillful approaches can newly ordained women employ to overcome the inner obstacles of doubt, inexperience, and isolation? What can be done to address the outer obstacles of meagre social and material resources? How can we help our sisters move from the margins of our community to the center? Last but not least, what lessons can Buddhist laywomen take from the example of China’s first nuns? What can learn about nurturing our own potential, supporting the Sangha, and furthering the Dharma?
The Samantapasādika-atthakathā, a commentary on the Vinaya, records that “Sonaka Thera Bhikkhu and Uttara Thera Bhikkhu traveled to the Suvanabhumi region and preached the Dhamma to the people. The people gained confidence in the Triple Gem and took the five precepts; 60,000 people achieved enlightenment, 3,500 Buddhist boys and 1,500 girls became ordained. The two senior monks, Sonaka and Uttara, founded the Buddhist religion in the Suvanabhumi region.” The question is: Where is Suvanabhumi? From available sources, we can conclude that Suvannabhumi is in Thailand. A book with the title Suvanabhumi is Here in the Land of Siam states that “Suvannabhumi’s center is the Thajin river in Thailand.”
The Samantapasādika-atthakathā tells us that Sona Thera Bhikkhu and Uttara Thera Bhikkhu came to Thailand and gave ordination to 1,500 girls, but it is not clear what type of ordination they gave. Although the Buddha allowed atthavacika bhikkhuni ordination, through a pronouncement eight times before both bhikkhus and bhikkhunis, most likely the first 1,500 girls were ordained as samaneris. The samaneri ordination can only be performed by bhikkhunis, however. The two senior monks Sona and Uttara might have asked bhikkhunis from Pataliputra to come and give samaneri ordination to the 1,500 girls. But the story was never recorded with as much detail as the story of Mahindha Thera and Sanghamitta Theri, who first gave ordination in Sri Lanka. The Thai samaneris probably received their ordination as bhikkhunis later, after they reached the required age for full ordination, but there is no available evidence to confirm this.
In Wat Thepthidaram in Bangkok, there are 52 bhikkhuni images in a big vihara, 49 in a sitting position and 3 of them standing. The images are made of tin, now gilded to protect them from damage, and are placed on a marble altar in the front of the main Buddha image. This temple was built by King Rama III (1787-1851) and dedicated to one of his daughters. As far as we know, however, there never have been any bhikkhunis living there. In former times, some mae chees lived next to the vihara, but they are no longer there.
Today, there are five groups of fully ordained women in Thailand: (1) two bhikkunis in Nakornpathom Province; (2) five bhikkhunis and 20 samaneris in Chiengmai Province; (3) three bhikkhunis in Rayong; (4) two bhikkhunis in Yasothorn; and (5) one bhikkhuni in Samutsakorn Province. I have observed the rapid development of the bhikkunis in Chiengmai Province. These bhikkhunis were formerly mae chees and they have their own school, called Nirodharam Chiengmai. Five mae chees from this school went to Sri Lanka in 2008 to receive bhikkhuni ordination and returned to Nirodharam, where they live together with 20 samaneris. Most monks in Chiengmai seem to recognize the bhikkhuni ordination. Bhikkhuni Nanthayani, the abbess of Nirodharma, teaches insight meditation and many laypeople have faith in her. Thailand is a Theravada Buddhist country where it is very difficult that Thai monks accept bhikkhuni ordination. Traditionally, Thai Buddhist women who wanted to become ordained had to live as mae chees and could not perform religious ceremonies. As these new communities of fully ordained women show, however, new options for Thai women are rapidly appearing.
This paper will present new research on these developments.