Abstracts

July 11
Morning Opening Ceremony

THUS HAVE I HEARD: THE EMERGING FEMALE VOICE IN BUDDHISM
Ven. Tenzin Palmo
Dongyu Gatsal Ling

This will be a general talk concerning the progress and obstacles encountered by Buddhist nuns around the world. There has been progress, for example, the emerging Bhikkuni Sangha in Sri Lanka. There have also been obstacles, such as a possible lack of adequate training. There has been progress in that the monks are at least "theorizing" about the nuns' situation, even if they present obstacles that actually prevent them from doing anything about it, for example, the Tibetan situation in India concerning full ordination for women.

There has been progress in appreciating that nuns need to be educated and well trained. Educated nuns would be of benefit to society, as they already are in Taiwan. There are also obstacles, in that often the nuns believe themselves to be unintelligent and not worthy of interest.

In the West there are, of course, many Dharma teachers who are female. These women not only teach, but also write books and disseminate the Dharma in a style which speaks to the average practitioner struggling in their daily lives and relationships. There are also a number of women scholars who are engaged in highlighting the usually overlooked feminine perspective in Buddhist studies. More and more books on the feminine in Buddhism are being published. After all, two thirds of their audience is usually women!

In the East, slowly the consciousness that women also have a right to study and practice the Dharma on a par with their male counterparts, is beginning to emerge. Examples include Sri Lanka, Thailand, and the Tibetans in exile. The Mahayana countries, such as Korea and Taiwan, are way ahead in extending equal opportunities. Maybe they do not always appreciate how
difficult the road is for their less appreciated Dharma sisters elsewhere. Perhaps from their more privileged position they could help to set up or support study centres in other parts of Asia, not to propagate their own brand of Chinese Buddhism, but to support the local variety so that those nuns could rise in the esteem of the laity and the male Sangha, also.

July 11
1:00-2:30 Understanding Buddhist Women Around the World (A)

SAKYADHITA: EMPOWERING THE DAUGHTERS OF THE BUDDHA
Dr. Thea Mohr
Frankfurt University (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitaat)

The Buddha and Jesus are founders of world religions whose inspirations have lasted until today. A significant consequence of their teachings has been the empowerment and energizing of millions of women the world over. However, until recently, the role of women in these religions was dictated by the patriarchal forms of organization common to religions in both the East and the West. Thus women were confined to subordinate roles and had to be content with only a minor share of power. Previously, this situation was almost universally accepted. Only in the 20th century have tremendous changes begun, because of modern women's movements.

The Buddha taught the universality of suffering (dukkha) and the origin of suffering, and showed a path and systematic method to overcome suffering. He institutionalized his teachings in a community, the Sangha, in which men and women are integrated. Jesus accepted suffering and overcame it through his resurrection and his love for God the Father, understanding him as his origin. Women accompanied Jesus on his path.

Religious evolution has taken more than 2000 years to bring together the insights of both Asian and Western cultures and establish a forum for women which does justice to both the religious motivations and secular rights of women. The right to freedom, as the basis of activities in both traditions, is the centerpiece of new directions for women in Buddhism, towards self-determination, which is a key concept for achieving emancipation.

In the West, women's self-determination and consciousness has turned away from its sacred or spiritual roots, even though its beginnings were rooted in Christian thought. In traditional Buddhist countries, women's claims to freedom seem to be in accordance with the concept of liberation in Buddhist thoughts. A revitalized, innovative approach, which calls for self-determination and the liberation of women, draws on both Asian and Western traditions. Sakyadhita, the subject of my comparative study, is an international forum for discussing these attitudes and approaches.

FROM ANONYMITY TO SELF-REINVENTION: KOREAN BUDDHIST NUNS IN THE 20th CENTURY
Dr. Eunsu Cho
University of Michigan

My study of Korean Buddhist nuns at the turn of the 20th century reveals a multi-layered discourse on gender, history, and nation within the context of Japanese colonial domination (1910-1945). These discourses, often contradictory and ambivalent, derived their authority from the newly dominant epistemologies employed by imperialism, colonialism, and modernism. These discourses made strategic use of the long-held public disdain toward Buddhism that resulted from anti-Buddhist policies enforced by the Chos_n government, as well as the legal and cultural oppression of women authorized by Neo-Confucian ideology. In this harsh social/cultural climate, Buddhist nuns reacted with certain characteristic personal attitudes, develooping different outlooks on practice developed. One response among Buddhist nuns was to seclude themselves from the outside world. Many nuns lived and died anonymously, without leaving much information about their lives.

In this paper, I describe the efforts of Buddhist nuns, from the end of the 19th century through the early 20th, to construct various subject positions that seemed to offer some certitude in the face of dramatic social change. I examine the records of Buddhist nuns and trace their lineages of learning and practice with the help of biographical records, interviews with living disciples, and statistical and demographic data on the lives of nuns. One source of this information is Pangham-nok, the record of bi-annual meditation retreats at various S_n headquarters which took place each year throughout this period. In contrast to their "invisibility" in the historiography of modern Korean Buddhism, such records reveal that Buddhist nuns were actively engaged in attempts to create a positive and constructive image of themselves and of Buddhist practice. Such attempts sometimes complemented and sometimes stood in tension with the self-strengthening efforts of Korean male Buddhist clerics.

July 11
3:00-4:30 Understanding Buddhist Women Around the World (B)

BUDDHIST LAYWOMEN IN NEPAL
Dr. Nivedita Kumari Mishra
Tribhuvan University

Buddhism in Nepal is associated particularly with Newar Buddhism. Newar people are among the original inhabitants of the country. The Newar community comprises the majority of the inhabitants of the Kathmandu valley (the capital of Nepal) to which they are confined, as they are rarely found in other parts of Nepal. Buddhism as a religion is not a new phenomenon among the Newar people. The valley of Kathmandu had remained the center of a flourishing Buddhist culture since 200 B. C. E. The inscriptions of the Licchavi era (around 500 C. E.) confirm the presence of various Mahayana vihars in the valley. Mahayana Buddhism continued flourishing and expanding along with the Vajrayana tradition up to 12th century C. E. By this time the Vajrayana tradition had also spread throughout Buddhist society in the form of tantra. Not only the Bhikshu Sangha but also the Bhikshuni Sangha existed during those periods. Research has established that the Newar community had already settled in the Kathmandu Valley around the second century B.C.E.

Newar society is mainly divided into two groups, the Buddhists and the followers of the Hindu religion. The Buddhist community consists of two types of Buddhist practitioners, the Upasaka and the Bare. The Bare is the most highly revered group in Newar Buddhist community. The Bare community is comprised of the Vajracharya and Sakya, the two most prominent groups of Buddhist followers, or Buddha Margi Newar. Newar Buddhism is based on traditional Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhism. The Vajracharya group has to go through the initiations of a Vajra master. An initiated Vajracharya is considered eligible to act as a priest for the Buddhist laity. This is the only group whose primary identity is as Tantric priest; it is natural that getting married is essential for them. The another group, the Sakya is also almost the same as the Vajracharya. There is not much difference between the Sakya and the Vajracharya, except for the Acharya initiation. However, the Sakya are not considered to be priests in Newar Buddhist society.

Since Newar society is associated mainly with Vajrayana (tantric) Buddhism, the Buddhist practitioners follow household duties, living a full-fledged family life. The concept of five Buddhas and their consorts in Vajrayana is well known among Buddhist scholars. Similarly, there is evidence of a tradition of married monks also in the historical Buddhist scriptures. In this connection the existence of married monks (Sakya and Vajracharya) is not surprising. How and when the Sakya and Vajracharya started to practice Buddhism and helped to develop it in Newar society is a topic for further research.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the role of the wives of Vajracharya and Sakya in the expansion of Buddhism among the laity in Newar society. The duties and lifestyle of Buddhist women in traditional Mahayana Vihars and the observances they follow during auspicious months are the major concern of the paper. The focus will be not only the duties of the wives of Buddhist practitioners, but also the observances followed by upasikas. The problems women face in the practice of their rituals will also be discussed. The contributions of Buddhist women (both practitioners and upasika) in developing Buddhism will also be considered.
This paper makes use of both secondary and primary sources. Except for historical references, it is mostly based on personal observances. The aim is to establish the fact that, along with celibate nuns, the wives of Vajracharyas, Sakyas, and upasikas are equally responsible for the spread and preservation of Buddhism from generation to generation in Newar society.

Two Reform Efforts by Buddhist Women in Contemporary Thailand: Watra Songdharma Kalyani and Dhamma Mata Hermitage
Tomomi Ito
Kanda University of International Studies

For centuries Theravada women in Thailand have lacked any opportunity to become ordained as a bhikkhuni, which is one of the four Buddhist groups consisting of bhikkhu, bhikkhuni, upasaka, and upasika. Because of this, Thai women have had more limited occasions for Dhamma practice compared to men, who can be ordained as monks (bhikkhus). Pious lay Buddhists never hesitate to pay respect to bhikkhus, fully ordained males, and believe that they can gain merit by supporting them. Abundant support from laypeople give bhikkhus the opportunity to concentrate on religious practice by renouncing worldly matters. On the other hand, people do not respect women ascetics as "fields of merit" because they are not formally ordained and thus not as worthy to receive offerings as a monk. Instead, they often expect these women to work for the temple in return for their board. As a result, Thai women ascetics have to spend considerable time cooking for monks, for example, and time for religious practice tends to be a secondary matter.

In this paper I discuss recent efforts by two groups of Thai Buddhist women who are now challenging such present conditions for women's Dhamma practice. First, I am going to examine the recent bhikkhuni restoration movement led by Samaneri Dhammananda at Watra Songdharma Kalyani. On February 6, 2001, Dhammananda (formerly Dr. Chatsumarn Kabilasingh) was ordained as a samaneri by receiving ten precepts from a Theravada bhikkhuni in Sri Lanka and her ordination was approved by an elder bhikkhu from the Siamese Order in Sri Lanka. Although Dhammananda was not the first Thai samaneri or bhikkhuni ordained overseas, her ordination attracted more attention than her predecessors, because of her status as an associate professor of Buddhism at Thammasat University and a vocal public intellectual in the mass media. Dhammananda's ordination received favorable media coverage and moral support from progressives and others, but was greeted with silence from the Elders' Council, the religious authority for monks. On February 10, 2002, Dhammananda hosted an ordination ceremony for another Thai woman who received samaneri precepts at her temple. She also received inquiries from several other women who expressed their wish to become fully ordained. Compared to the current status of Thai women ascetics who wear white robes, the ordained samaneri in yellow robes has achieved a visible elevation in status. This paper documents recent events in the Dhammananda-led bhikkhuni restoration movement and examines the relationships between the samaneri, who intends to become bhikkhuni in the near future, and the existing groups of Thai Buddhists: laypeople, women ascetics in white robes, monks, and the Elders' Council. These relationships increase the significance of the bhikkhuni restoration in contemporary Thai society.

Second, in this paper I would like to explore an alternative effort to enhance opportunities for Dhamma practice among Buddhist women at Dhamma Mata Hermitage, affiliated with Suan Mokkh Temple in Southern Thailand. Dhamma mata ("mother of the Dhamma") is a concept of Buddhist women in Dhamma practice that is distinct from the Theravada bhikkhuni order that has been lost in Thailand. In his later years, Buddhadasa Bhikkhu (1906 - 1993), a renowned Dhamma teacher of Thailand, formulated this concept and his female disciples now seek to actualize it. Buddhadasa's plan was not to restore the bhikkhuni ordination; instead, he aimed to meet the actual needs of women ascetics in contemporary Thailand. Based on my research on the ongoing pilot project at Dhamma Mata Hermitage, I would like to suggest in this paper that, considering the current needs, social conditions, and potentialities of Thai Buddhist women ascetics, there is a need both for both those who are bhikkhunis and those who are not. This study about recent reform efforts by Thai Buddhist women not only presents information about current conditions and movements among Buddhist womenin contemporary Thailand, but may also serve as a catalyst to examine problems and paths for female renunciants in other societies.

Understanding Indian Himalayan Buddhist Women
Sra. Lobsang Choedon
Jamyang Choling Institute

Many excellent and well-known female Buddhist practitioners have come from the Indian Himalaya region. One example of an outstanding practitioner was a nun from Zangskar, from Dorje Dzong Nunnery. Her name was Jomo Shilamo. In Zangskari language, "Jomo" means nun and "Shilamo" was the name of her village. Because of her strong and sincere practice, one day while she was praying in the assembly hall of Dorje Zong nunnery, she flew up and out of the window in the roof of the assembly hall and was never seen again. Many of her possessions, including her ritual hat and Dharma books, are still on display at Dorje Dzong Nunnery. There are many other stories about famous women practitioners in the Himalayan region. This shows that, if one makes great effort, it is possible to achieve high realizations in female form.

From childhood,most children learn from their mothers. In the Himalayan region, every child learns the basic principles of Buddhadharma, specifically, to practice ethical discipline and refrain from the ten non-virtuous actions. Though Himalayan Buddhist laywomen do not receive a very detailed education, they have very strong faith in the Three Jewels. The education that children receive in government schools is unfortunately not very good. Not only that, but our own local language and culture are also almost ignored. Because young Buddhist laywomen do not have a proper understanding of Buddhism, they start to lose their religion if they leave their home areas to study outside at a college of higher education or if they marry someone from another community.

Often when a girl becomes a nun, she stays at her home, She receives no secular or philosophical education. She may know how to read texts, but she is not taught to consider their meaning. Since there is a great shortage of qualified teachers, male or female, in our nunneries, nuns often do not get a chance to study their religion properly. Often they then stay at home acting as little more than servants. These days many Himalayan nuns are studying well in nunneries in India set up by the Tibetans in exile, whereas others have established their own independent nunneries and Buddhist institutes. When we have finished our studies, our main aim is to improve Buddhist education for women throughout the Indian Himalayan region.

July 12
Morning Understanding Buddhist Women of Taiwan

Buddhist Women in Taiwan
Ven. Chuandao Shih
Miaoxin Temple

This paper explores the world of Buddhist women in Taiwan, especially the roles which they have played and the phases they have passed through in the history of Taiwanese Buddhism. Buddhism women in Taiwan in the past were connected with the phenomenon of the Zhaijiao ("vegetarian religion"). Some of them entered the zhaitang ("vegetarian hall") and became zhaigu (celibate "vegetarian women"), while others simply became lay disciples of the Zhaijiao belief. During the Japanese colonial period, the founders of the "four great lineages" in Taiwan, especially Ven. Jueli, as well as other mainland monks who fled to Taiwan, encouraged many zhaigu to become fully ordained nuns. These monks organized seminars and Buddhist institutes where these nuns were trained in orthodox Buddhist practice, received high levels of education, and helped to raise their status so that the nuns were able to build nunneries and Buddhist institutes of their own.

Today, some Buddhist women are recognized as outstanding for their contributions to the fields of education, culture, humanitarian action, medical care, social welfare, and environmental protection. Their achievements have helped to reverse outdated male chauvinistic conceptions about women that are prevalent in Taiwanese society. Nuns and female lay practitioners already outnumber monks and male lay practitioners in Taiwan. Through patience, endurance, and caring concern, Buddhist women in Taiwan in the future will work for humanity on both the spiritual and material levels, seeking to distinguish between religious image and Buddhist practice, resulting in an expanded vision of their own potential.

A Perspective on Buddhist Women in Taiwan
Ven. Yikong Shi
Nan Hua University

Many people wonder why there are so many bhiksunis in Taiwan. Their quantity and quality are unprecedented in history. After examining the phenomena, I have determined several reasons to explain it. First of all, Chinese people traditionally think highly of men, not women. That is why they say, "Having no offspring is the gravest sin with respect to filial piety." Men have the responsibility of having a male heir for the family. If a man wishes to become a monk, he suffers more family pressure than a woman.

Second, there are differences between men and women that have an impact on the decision to renounce household life. Men are egocentric and wish to establish their own businesses. Even if they become bhiksus, they are reluctant to be bound by monastic rules. Women are gentle, flexible, and comfortable staying with a group, so they are more likely to settle into monastic life long-term. Once they become bhiksunis, they are less likely to return to lay life than bhiksus.

Third, because of their physiology, women suffer more than men. This inclines them even more toward a monastic life. Women are firm and sincere in pursuit of religious truth. Once they renounce worldly life, they do not have to suffer in childbirth or worry about daily trifles. They can cultivate a life of wisdom for countless sentient beings.

Bhiksunis and upasikas have played important roles in the development of Buddhism in Taiwan. Upasikas join together as voluntary groups of bodhisattvas that are unprecedented in history. They take part in all kinds of monastic work, such as cooking, serving in the dining hall, receiving guests, and so on. Furthermore, they can become lay Dharma teachers. They can play different roles and contribute much to the community and the country. Their contributions deserve further research.

Leave Behind and Hold onto: The Self-Awakening of Buddhist Women
Ven. Wuyin Shi
Luminary Buddhist Institute

Rooted in different social and cultural milieu, the Buddhist traditions that have developed in different countries have developed their own unique characteristics. Chinese Buddhism belongs to the Mahayana school. Its philosophy includes the ideal of renunciation of the world and at the same time participation in the world. There is a Chinese koan that elaborates on this idea. Someone once asked a Zen master from Zhao-chou, "What should I do if I realize that everything is empty?" The master replied, "Then, you should leave it behind." The person further asked, "If everything is empty, what should I leave behind?" The Zen master said, "Hold onto it." The koan expresses the attitude toward the life held and applied by many Chinese masters to guide the disciples who believe in, learn from, and follow the Buddha teaching.

It has been more than 2500 years since the Buddha's death. These days, due to quick and convenient web-communications, we can contact each other without many problems. That has not only changed people's daily lives, but also the structure of society and the world. We are crossing all kinds of boundaries more rapidly than ever before. During this time of increasing globalization, the daughters of Sakyamuni Buddha, gathered here from all over the world, can communicate, act, and interact easily. Hence the question arises: What roles can and should Buddhist women play in the 21st century? As in the quoted koan, what should we leave behind and what should we hold onto? What kind of things from the past have we previously held onto and later left behind? What should we Buddhist women leave behind and what should we hold onto in the future?

In 1997, His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited Taiwan for the first time. One of the purposes of that visit was to understand the bhiksuni system here. But at the seminar regarding the prospects for establishing a Tibetan Bhiksuni Sangha, he expressed concern about the continuity of the bhiksuni lineage and the prospects for conferring full ordination on nuns in the Tibetan tradition. Although tradition preserves some kind of truth, which should not be violated, tradition does not necessarily indicate all truths. Nevertheless, we also believe that it would be impossible for any tradition to survive if it were not based on truth.

At this 7th Sakyadhita International Conference on Buddhist Women now being held in Taiwan, participants have gathered from all over the world and from different traditions to learn from each other. No matter which actions we take-leaving behind or holding onto-the crucial point is to keep ourselves awake in the very moment, especially through self-awareness, self-acceptance, and self-development.

July 12
Afternoon Bridging the Gender Gap, Transforming Institutions

The Nature and Status of Women in The Teachings of The Buddhist
Ven. Minh Hue
Delhi University

In recent years, the contributions of many prominent women in all aspects of the society have awakened a dormant interest in theories about women, especially from religious points of view. Demands for a re-examination of women's issues have been increasing in both Asia and the West, finding support in almost every sector of society. The demands for a re-examination of the nature and status of women raise many theoretical concerns in philosophy and religion. Eminent scholars, philosophers, sociologists, and religious leaders have done valuable work in re-evaluating the changing status of women in the world's religions.

At present, the Theravada tradition is followed in Sri Lanka, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar. But these traditions have no bhiksunis. Because of this, the Theravada tradition is viewed as narrow and in apparent contradiction to the Buddha's teachings. Although the Bhiksuni Sangha existed during the Buddha's time and the bhiksuni precepts are included in the Vinaya section of the Pali canon, there is little support for the reestablishment of the Bhiksuni Sangha today in Theravada countries. From the Vinaya literature, it is clear that, from the Buddha's time until it died out, the Theravada and related schools had a Bhiksuni Sangha. From a contemporary perspective, the disappearance of bhiksunis from the Sangha in Theravada countries is a telling absence and has limited the development of the Buddha's teachings.

In the present day, social progress requires gender equality. The Buddhist teachings also attach importance to equality between men and women. To be more effective in the modern world, the Theravada tradition would do well to open its doors and accept the bhiksuni ordination, instead of allowing nuns to take only the eight or ten basic precepts of a Buddhist devotee.

Buddhist Women's Movement in The New Century: The Taiwanese Experience of Contemporary Nuns' Defiance of The "Treatry of Non-Equality"
Ven. Zhaohui Shi
Hongshi Buddhist Institute

This paper discusses the question of the women's rights within the chauvinistic structure of Buddhism. After nine years of activism in the field of women rights, I feel that this field is still on the level of theory and abstraction, without any active movement. This is due in part to the unfavorable situation of women in the Theravada and Tibetan traditions.
Under male authority, who have had the power to interpret the Buddhist texts, women have became demonized into monsters with 48 shameful behaviors. Likewise, the Eight Chief Rules (gurudharmas)constitute an evil system that makes women feel inferior and makes men arrogant. In recent years, the Buddhist traditions of Taiwan and Mainland China there is a trend toward demanding that women follow the Eight Chief Rules. To abolish the system of the Eight Chief Rules would avoid making this subject a tempest in a teapot in Buddhism. Let there be a reasonable, public debate about whether to keep or abolish the Eight Chief Rules. Hopefully Buddhist male chauvinism can break out of its narrowmindedness and reach full psychological and intellectual maturity.

Because its strategy and critique are sound, the movement to abolish the Eight Chief Rules is heating up. Noted senior monks such Ven. Xingyun, Ven. Liaozhong, Ven. Jinglang, and Ven. Chuandao have spoken out boldly in supporting the movement to uphold justice for the nuns. Another tactic I have promoted is to awaken the nuns' critical sense and psychological freedom, since nuns have long slumbered under the slave mentality produced by their education. This change of attitude is even more crucial than passing secular laws. I believe that to abolish the Eight Chief Rules is a worthy cause and hope that the monks, who are so talented and full of potential, will see the light and support this movement. In conclusion, I explain my views about the interaction between the sexes.

KUAN-YIN'S (KANNON) GENDER TRANSFORMATION IN MEDIEVAL JAPANESE BUDDHISM: BRIDGING SEXUALITY AND MOTHERHOOD
Mariko Namba Walter
Harvard University

This paper explores the religious and historical context of Kuan-yin (Avalokiteshvara) worship in medieval Japanese Buddhism in relation to gender transformation. It is a well-known fact that Kuan-yin is often portrayed as a woman in medieval Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhist art and literature. Buddhist traditions often emphasize that women must transform their gender to that of a male in order to achieve nirvana. Thus, why and how Kuan-yin acquired female characteristics is an enigma in Asian Buddhist history. In this paper I would like to illustrate how the Japanese came to consider Kuan-yin as a female deity and discuss her role in transforming the institutional dogma of Buddhist sects, such as Shinran's Jodo Shinshu, in medieval Japan.

Kuan-yin was introduced to Japan through China and Korea in the early phase of the transmission of Buddhism in the seventh century C. E. and became intermingled with the Shinto belief in Amaterasu, the primordial creator goddess of Japan. On the village level, Kuan-yin was identified with the earth mother, which is the generative source of human life and agricultural production. It took some time for Kaun-yin to be completely identified with the divine motherly figure. In early Japanese Buddhist literature, Kuan-yin could be either male or female. The qualities of mercy and impartiality were already attributed to Kuan-yin at that time.
In medieval Buddhist literature such as the Nihon Ryoiki, Kuan-yin is depicted as an extremely generous and compassionate bodhisattva, who takes the sufferings of the common people onto herself in order to relieve their pain. A more popular aspect of Kuan-yin was described in the Hokke Genki and Konjyaku Monogatari as a deity who listens and actualizes the earthly desires of the people, such as wishes for having wonderful children and wealth.

According to Saigo, it was around the end of Heian period that Kuan-yin acquired a thoroughly female gender identity. One of the examples of female identification is the ritual held in Nagatani Temple, which is a pilgrimage place for the worship of Kuan-yin. The ritual involved a woven basket symbolizing a womb and the devotees were supposed to go inside the "womb" as a part of the ritual. In such rituals, motherhood and the reproductive capabilities of women were sanctified in Kuan-yin worship.

The emphasis on motherhood is significant here, as Buddhism has largely denied women's sexuality and the only means of expressing it was to shift the emphasis from women's sexuality to motherhood. The underlying assumption was that women had to be mothers to be saved through her son, and that mothers, who care for and nurture children, are useful to males. The power and image of Kuan-yin, however, transcended such arguments and justifications of gender in Buddhism, since the "weaker gender" to be saved was miraculously transformed into the compassionate mother, Kuan-yin, who has power to save all sentient beings.

The most prominent example of Kuan-yin's power was revealed in Shinran's dream. In his dream, Kuan-yin appeared as a woman and had sexual intercourse with Shinran. Later in his dream, however, the same Kuan-yin appears as a motherly bodhisattva who forgives and saves Shinran who has committed carnal sin. This dream confession of Shinran not only changed his way of life-he abandoned celibacy as a monk (which later became the institutional policy of Jodo Shinshu)-but also the essence of his soterological thinking. He became convinced that the salvation of the Buddha was for everybody, without conditions or discriminations. Moreover, Kuan-yin is not the only divine figure in Japan who manifests such a compassionate, forgiving, and all-inclusive nature with positive female characteristics. According to some studies, such "feminine" qualities are also attributed to Amitabha (Amida) of Pure Land tradition.

On the other side of the coin, however, prejudice, discrimination, and exclusion of women have been institutionalized in Buddhism. Women, more than men, needed to be saved and liberated, because of their greater impediments and sufferings. Because of the assumed inferiority and the impurity of women's nature and because of male chauvinism in medieval societies, women were seen as having more reason to be liberated and enlightened. Such was the view of many Buddhist schools founded during the Kamakura period in Japan, such as the Jodo Shinshu and Nichiren schools, with their devotional emphasis on the attainment of nirvana.

This paper contributes to an understanding of Kuan-yin worship in relation to gender transformation and demonstrates how medieval Buddhism dealt with the alleged inferior nature of the feminine gender. The discussion of Kuan-yin's gender transformation is not only concerned with physical transformation or sexual behavior, but addresses the core issues of salvation in Japanese Buddhism.

July 13
Morning Bridging the World's Religions

BUILDING BRIDGES: A MUSLIM WOMAN'S PERSPECTIVE
Hawwa Morales Soto
Institute of Sufi Studies

If we want to create links of communication and understanding between the world's different religious traditions, the first step to undertake is to really know our own. Nowadays people often talk about ecumenism and interfaith dialogue. However, in many cases, the meaning of these word is being misunderstood or confused with the naive idea that "everything is the same." Unfortunately, all too often people waste time collecting only the "beautiful" or "exotic" aspects from each tradition they meet. Without going deep into the heart of any of them, they confuse the external with the internal.

Evidently, every tradition is seeking the same goal, which is a central axis for all these manifestations. Ultimately there is one reality, no matter how it is named or imagined. Nonetheless, we can reach this center only by trusting ourself and our own tradition, a tradition we have chosen with our heart and mind. While seeking to understand all traditions, which are ultimately one, it is necessary to follow one track and avoid jumping from one path to another, because, by jumping from one to another, we may arrive nowhere.

There are multiple spiritual paths. When we meet others who engaged in the spiritual pursuit, this is a good occasion to begin a dialogue-a mutual exchange of ideas and experiences. These moments of respect and courtesy are the bridges that will help us to see what is on the other side of the edge. They help us open up our perspectives and broaden our knowledge. In Sufism, the "journey" is the source of knowledge. All of us are travellers then.

Through meditation and intelligent reflection, always drawing on our own traditional religious resources, we can put into practice and into social action the conclusions that result from these experiences. In this way, we will continuously renew our traditions and avoid relying on the letter and ignoring the spirit of the teachings. It is necessary to always keep this in mind.

BRIDGING WORLD RELIGIONS FROM WITHIN: ON BEING A BUDDHIST CHRISTIAN WOMAN
Dr. Maria Reis Habito
International Program Director, Museum of World Religions

This paper will describe the steps of my path from a traditional Roman Catholic background to the continuing embodiment of both the Buddhist and Christian traditions. Even though these steps are described on the basis of my personal experience, they may serve to shed light on the dynamics of becoming existentially engaged, involved in, and committed to more than just one religious tradition.

The prelude to my journey was a traditional Roman Catholic upbringing. My initial encounter with Buddhism occurred in Keelung in 1978. This intial encounter as a young high-school graduate motivated me to return to Taiwan to study Buddhism in greater depth. The first lesson I learned was to become aware of my own predjudices toward an unfamiliar religion. This lesson was facilitated by the complete openness with which I was received on the Buddhist side.

My second step was an encounter with Dharma Master Hsin Tao in Ilan in 1980. This encounter and the ensuing interreligious dialogue between us that took place during many subsequent visits led to my profound questioning of notions of self, God, and reality. The lessons I learned included trusting God as the one who led me to this encounter, letting go of anxieties and fears caused by question everything that had been familiar so far, and opening up to the encounter on an existential level.

The third step was taking vows and becoming a disciple, in Fulong in 1983. My trust in the guidance of both God and the teacher led to this formal step. What seemed contradictory to logic -a Catholic taking Buddhist vows-was experienced as harmonious. The lessons I learned were an initial sense of non-duality, joy, and gratitude.

The fourth step was formal Zen practice in Germany from 1983 to1986 and in Japan from 1986 to 1990. Zen practice was increasingly experienced as letting go of narrow notions of Self and Other. At the same time, Zen brought greater intimacy with God. The continuing lessons have been realizing emptiness, letting go, and experiencing love

The fifth step was a glimpse into reality in Kamakura in 1989. In a grace-filled moment during a Zen-retreat, God wss experienced as pure love, embracing self and others alike. This experience was confirmed by the teacher as an initial satori experience. I felt that the veil of ignorance had been lifted to reveal reality as pure love and joy.

The sixth step has been integrating the non-dual sense of reality into everyday life. This is an ongoing task in my life as the mother of two young sons, a wife, teacher, friend, and Program Director of the Museum of World Religions.

The seventh step has been growing in compassion. The severe illness of a friend and my brothers depression has switched me into a petitionary mode of being. My Catholic-Buddhist practices completely intermingle-intercessory prayers such as Hail Mary and Kyrie go together with the Great Compassion Mantra and renewed koan study. A new karmic connection to the Tibetan Tonglen practice has also emerged.

July 13
Afternoon Bridging the Buddhist Traditions

SEXUALITY: DISCIPLINE AND ETHICS
Elisa Nesossi
Ca' Foscari University of Venice

The main purpose of my talk is to explain, from a Buddhist point of view, how sexuality is connected with discipline and ethics. After having extracted the rules of discipline concerning sexuality from the Bhiksu and Bhiksuni Vinaya texts, I will briefly clarify which are the main themes that emerge, such as relationships with members of the opposite sex, relationships between bhiksus and bhiksunis, homosexuality, masturbation, and the meaning of celibacy. In addition, I will clarify some ethical themes, with reference to the rules of discipline and the most important monastic rituals: uposadha and the ordination ceremony. My aim is to explain the meaning of desire, the concept of impurity deriving from sexual acts, and the Buddhist conception of the physical body.

SISTERS ACROSS CULTURES: EMPATHY AND INCLUSIVISM IN THE BUDDHIST WOMEN'S MOVEMENT
Dr. Karma Lekshe Tsomo
University of San Diego

Since 1987, a visible and active Buddhist women's movement has emerged that has challenged many preconceptions about women's roles and potentialities in Buddhism. The obvious challenge has been pointing out the subordinate, marginalized, and, in some cases, nearly invisible status of women in Buddhism. Another has been challenging the myth of male superiority that has infected many Buddhist societies and institutions. Yet another has been questioning the hierarchical structuring of Buddhist societies and institutions, with women often in supportive and subordinate roles, rather than in positions of teaching and leadership. Another has been challenging the marginalization of women, especially in relation to opportunities for education and ordination. A further challenge has been confronting the hierarchical, often oppressive, structures of societies worldwide, structures where women find themselves victims of gender discrimination, economic injustice, domestic violence, and sexual slavery.


As the most active organization spearheading the international Buddhist women's movement, Sakyadhita: International Association of Buddhist Women has been attempting to meet all of these challenges. Despite a lack of financial support, the organization has struggled to redress the gender balance within Buddhist societies on several levels. Through education, the organization has worked to encourage research on Buddhist women's history and to illuminate Buddhist women's accomplishments in religious practice, education, social transformation, and other spheres. Through education, it has also worked to raise awareness of women's unequal position in Buddhist societies and institutions, including the roles women may unconsciously play in supporting gender inequality in Buddhism. For example, it is well-known that donors in Buddhist societies give greater respect and more generous material support to monks than to nuns, sometimes in a ratio as high as 10:1. But a closer examination reveals that the majority of these donors are women; so patterns of gender discrimination in Buddhist societies will only change when women themselves change their attitudes and begin to demonstrate equal respect for the practice of nuns and monks. There is evidence that the order of nuns died out in India in the 11th century due to poverty, because the nuns did not receive equal support and, in times of famine, simply did not receive enough food to survive.

The importance of education for women becomes the most obvious key to improving conditions for women globally. At the very first Sakyadhita conference in Bodhgaya in 1987, Buddhist women began to recognize that only through education will women emerge as teachers and spiritual leaders. Education is especially important for nuns, since without educated nuns who are qualified to teach Buddhism, monks are naturally regarded as more worthy of respect and support. The discrepancy in the public imagination between the illustrious, erudite monk and poorly educated, negligible nun erodes the self-confidence of women in general, and nuns, in particular. This cycle of diminishing returns becomes self-perpetuating; in societies where women are regarded as less worthy than men, they lack educational opportunities, adequate material support, the confidence to seek a systematic Buddhist education, and the determination to excel at it. The same cycle of diminishing returns may also be apparent in the sphere of religious practice, impeding women's spiritual progress.

This paper will examine patterns of gender inequality within Buddhist societies, the roles women play in supporting those patterns (through the socialization of young girls and young nuns, for example), and the strategies that women are currently formulating to reverse these patterns. It argues that women themselves have the capacity and the responsibility not only to reinterpret their own histories, but also to create their own futures, and that the key to eliminating gender discrimination in Buddhism is greater awareness and solidarity among women.

July 14
Morning Bridging Monastic Ideals & Everyday Life

VINAYA AND THE SOLITARY MONASTIC
Ven. Tenzin Palmo
Dongyu Gatsal Ling

The Vinaya is the monastic code to guide the lifestyle of the monastic Sangha. The word "sangha" means "a community," and it was assumed that nuns (and monks) would live and travel together as a group. In Asia, this pattern is usually still maintained, although there may be the occasional hermit nun. Most nuns live in monastic communities where the Vinaya guidelines of harmonious group living is very helpful.

However a growing number of nuns, especially in the West but increasingly in Asia, also, live alone. The 13 sanghavashesa dharmas, which follow straight after the 8 parajikas (rules of defeat), has a stricture against crossing water alone, entering a village alone, sleeping alone, or walking alone behind others. Such behavior incurs the penalty of suspension from the Sangha until a formal meeting with 20 bhikshus and 20 bhikshunis reinstate the culprit! But then the situation of living alone does not change. Also, we cannot perform the posadha observance, since that requires a quorum of at least 4 bhikshunis.

So what is a solitary nun to do? Of course, in India even today females usually live in families and do not usually live alone or walk outside alone alone. Women who travel alone are likely to be harassed by men. The nuns at Dongyu Gatsal Ling, our monastery in India) have a rule against going out alone, which they accept without question, because it is the norm.

In the world today educated bhikshunis often have work which takes them away from the community lifestyle. What would the Buddha have advised? Perhaps we could devise a short text of requesting permission to contravene some of the most common problematic rules. After all, even in Thailand monks travel by public transport or private cars, although the Vinaya rules against transport, unless sick. Many rules are quietly overlooked (for example, only bathing every 2 weeks unless it is raining, not accepting a new almsbowl if the old one is broken in less than 5 places, and so forth), so we have to think it through.

There is a challenge in living a solitary monastic lifestyle that nonetheless embodies the ideal of a well-tamed nun. Even nuns who travel to teach the Dharma usually are expected to travel alone. (Who wants to pay the airfare for a companion?) Also, there is the tradition of hermits and
solitary meditators. In our monastery at Tashi Jong, there is a group of yogins who are monks, but in Tibet resided singly in caves. They do not attend posadha ceremonies, even though now they live close to the monastery.

PRECEPTS AT ENSHOJI: THE RULES OF A 17th-CENTURY JAPANESE AMADERA
Gina Cogan
Columbia University

This paper will focus on the rules intended for the convent (amadera) Enshoji, as written by its founder, the nun Bunchi (1619-1697), who was the eldest daughter of Japan's 105th emperor, Gomizunoo (r. 1611-1629). She was atypical among her contemporary imperial monastic practitioners in that she actively sought solitude, practicing for sixteen years at Enshi, the convent she founded, in the north of Kyoto. She then moved her community to what is now Nara (at the time remote from the Kyoto metropolis), where she spent the next 40 years as abbess of Ensh i. She based her practice on an ideal of strict adherence to monastic precepts, which was also unusual at the time.

In order to enact the ideal of strict adherence to monastic precepts, Bunchi not only studied precept texts but also wrote several sets of rules for Enshi over the course of her career. In one of her central works, the Fumon san no ki, or Record of the Mountain of the Universal Gate, she says, "Deeply revere the precept guidelines set by Kokan kokushi. Inaugurating the great bodhisattva precepts on this mountain, I want to make these standards last forever." Kokan kokushi refers to the medieval monk Kokan Shiren (1278-1346), author of Zen kai ki, a Zen-school text on precepts that Bunchi used as a base for her own work. She also studied the Bonmokyo (Brahmajala Sutra) and took Shingon precepts as well, indicating that her style of practice drew on a wide range of sources, despite Enshi's affiliation with the Rinzai Zen school.

The bodhisattva precepts were so important to Bunchi that she started a bodhisattva precept platform at Enshi and administered those precepts to the assembly of nuns in 1688. She recorded this in the Fumon san no ki, where she continues by saying: "From now on, extending to future generations of abbesses, the senior nuns and their associates, anticipating the future, will transmit this precept administration, teaching about keeping and breaking the precepts, about what is enjoined and what is forbidden, memorizing and chanting them, and explaining their meaning. By keeping these precepts purely and avoiding involvement in the world; I know they will achieve the highest way."

Bunchi wrote two main texts that outline her vision of Enshi's mission and give detailed sets of rules for the daily life of the convent. Bunchi wrote the Kanbun yonnen kinoe tatsu m hun hatto joku narabi ni jo in 1664, and the Fumon san no ki in 1688, some 20 years later. The Fumon san no ki is an overview of the general mission of the convent and describes the specific rules for the selection of abbesses, the proper rituals to be performed, and the proper texts to be read. The Kanbun hatto, on the other hand, is a detailed set of rules for the day-to-day behavior of the nuns at Enshi and outlines exactly what constitutes a punishable offense. For example, in the latter text, Bunchi writes that it is inappropriate to talk frivolously during meals, to spit after meals, or to use a toothpick at the table. The former text, in contrast, discusses no such details; instead, in that text Bunchi is more concerned with the survival of her vision for the Enshi community after her death.

Yet, for Bunchi, proper behavior at the table was part and parcel of strict practice, which was what she hoped would lead the nuns of Ensh i on the highest way, as she put it in the Fumon san
no ki. Despite the division into different texts, these two works represented an integrated vision of the ideal life of a nun. In this paper, I hope to analyze these two texts further to see what they tell us about the practice of her community, and what it meant for her to practice strictly in a tradition where that was unusual. I would like to discuss the establishment of the bodhisattva precept platform in more detail as well, but as yet I have not found other references to it beyond the one in her autobiography/precept collection.

This study of Bunchi is significant as an example of a Japanese Buddhist nun who wrote rules for her convent. It contributes to our understanding of the overlapping sets of precepts in the Japanese tradition. Bunchi was an example of a female monastic practitioners who not only to took more than one set of precepts, but also supplemented them with rules of her own writing. She worked to gain control over the ordination process through building her own platform, something that was previously assumed to have occurred for the last time more than 500 years before she lived.

July 14
Afternoon Bridging the Vinaya Traditions

THREADS IN A RICH CLOTH: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN BHIKKHUNI VINAYA
Bhikkhuni Kusuma Devendra
Sri Gotami Ashram

This paper investigates similarities and differences between Theravada and Mahayana traditions with special emphasis on the following topics:

1. The six garudhammas (gurudharmas)
2. The sikkhamana (siksamana) ordination
3. The position of Mahapajapati Gotami
4. The original words of the Buddha
5. Later developments in both traditions
6. Scholar's views (e.g., Roth, Hirakawa, Nanjeo, Gilgit manuscripts, Dutt, Prebish, Sasanaratana, Taisho Tripitaka, Misra, Chatsumarn Kabilsingh)

BRIDGING WORLDS AND BRIDGING BOUNDARIES: TRACING THE ROOTS OF THE BHIKSUNI TRADITION
Roseanne Freese(U.S.A.)

Over 2,500 years ago Buddha ordained his foster mother and she became the world's
first Buddhist nun. Through this one action, the Buddha elevated the status of women to an extent no one had done before. The Sangha that the Buddha initiated became one of the world's most well organized monastic communities.

Almost 1,000 years after the Buddha's parinirvana, two groups of Sri Lankan women traveled afar to take the Dharma to China. Inspired by the Buddha's example, the king of Sri Lanka launched the world's first diplomatic mission by women. Two groups of women, some barely out of their teens, set forth on a 5,000-mile journey by sea from Sri Lanka to China in 429 and 432. Through their efforts, over 300 women were initially ordained and the bhiksuni lineage was fully established in China. This paper traces the development of this mission and how this effort contributed to the development of Buddhism and elevated the status of women in China.

ARGUMENTS FOR THE VALIDITY OF THE CHINESE BHIKSUNI LINEAGE
Dr. Hengqing Shi
National Taiwan University

The bhiksuni lineage was transmitted to China in the year 434 C.E., when Sri Lankan nuns, led by Devasara, traveled to China to conduct a bhiksuni ordination for Chinese nuns at Nanlin Monastery in Nanjing. There had been a discussion about whether the ordination of nuns by bhiksus alone was valid. Prior to that time, in the absence of bhiksunis, the ordination of nuns had been conducted by bhiksus. As more Buddhist texts were received from India and translated into Chinese, however, the nuns discovered passages in the Vinaya that described the bhiksuni ordination procedure for nuns, a procedure that required the participation of bhiksunis as well as bhiksus. A discussion ensured concerning the legitimacy of a bhiksuni ordination conducted by bhiksus alone.

The Indian master Gunavarman considered such an ordination valid. According to him, "As the bhiksuni ordination is finalized by the Bhiksu Sangha, even if the "basic Dharma" (i.e., the basic bhiksuni ordination) is not conferred, such a bhiksuni ordination still results in pure precepts, just as in the case of Mahaprajapati." We find no discussion of this issue anywhere in the Vinaya texts, so we have to rely upon Vinaya masters for counsel in deciding such matters. His Holiness the Dalai Lama agrees with this approach.

In any case, after 434, when the Chinese nuns received ordination from the bhiksunis from Sri Lanka, the bhiksuni ordination lineage was given in the proper procedure. In this way, the problem of receiving the dual ordination was resolved in China. The same method can be used today, by inviting bhiksunis from Taiwan, China, Korea, or Vietnam to perform a bhiksuni ordination for nuns practicing in the Tibetan and Theravadin traditions.

ALMOST EQUAL: OBSTACLES ON THE WAY TO AN INTERNATIONAL BHIKSUNI SANGHA
Dr. Karma Lekshe Tsomo
University of San Diego

In theory, Buddhism is egalitarian, asserting that all sentient beings have the potential to achieve perfect enlightenment. Buddhism is concerned with the mind, and the goal of Buddhist practice is the transformation of consciousness from a polluted state to a pure, enlightened state. And since consciousness has no gender, theoretically there should be no bar to women's equal participation in Buddhist practice or to women's equal achievement of the goal-the liberation of an arhat or the perfect enlightenment of a Buddha, as you like. This egalitarian ideal is not always realized in Buddhist societies, however.

Despite the egalitarian promise of Buddhist teachings, this ideal often masks a number of inequalities that have been experienced by women in Buddhist societies since the very beginning. The first inequality faced by women in Buddhism can be traced to the early centuries of Buddhist history. This is the probationary period known as siksamana, an added level of ordination between novice and bhiksuni, that is required for nuns but not for monks. Ostensibly this two-year probationary period was instituted to ensure that a candidate for bhiksuni ordination was not pregnant. This added requirement for nuns does not satisfy the rule of common sense, however, since even at the time of the Buddha, it was common knowledge that the gestation period for human beings is nine months, not two years.

The second inequality for women in Buddhism is the requirement of dual ordination. The ordination procedure for a bhiksuni requires that a candidate be ordained by ten bhiksuni precept masters in the morning and by ten bhiksu precept masters in the afternoon. (A minimum of five precept master of each category are required in an outlying area.) The ordination procedure for a bhiksu requires only that a candidate be ordained by ten bhiksus; the ordination procedure for a bhiksuni involves twice as many precept masters as the ordination procedure for a bhiksu.. Because nuns generally receive less support than monks, assembling the additional ten (twelve in the Mulasarvadin Vinaya) ordination masters to perform the dual ordination procedure makes it approximately twice as difficult for a bhiksuni to receive a valid ordination as for a bhiksu.

In Taiwan, a bhiksuni ordination performed by bhiksus alone is considered by many to be a valid procedure, usually because bhiksus are presumed to be the final authorities in matters of monastic discipline. However, I argue that nuns should participate in the ordinations of bhiksunis, not only because the participation of ten bhiksunis is required in the Vinaya for a valid bhiksuni ordination, but also because I believe that bhiksunis should be involved in deciding who joins the Bhiksuni Sangha. It stands to reason that nuns, not monks, should be in control of, or at least have a voice in, deciding who joins the community of nuns.

The third and most blatant inequality that women experience in Buddhism is that women in many Buddhist traditions today do not have access to ordination as bhiksunis, or, in some cases, even as sramanerikas. Of course, not everyone is interested in becoming a nun; regardless, as long as women in any Buddhist tradition do not have access to ordination, it cannot be claimed that Buddhism supports gender equality. The absence of equal ordination opportunities for women in Buddhism is an embarrassment, especially when Buddhists frequently assert that Buddhism offers equal opportunities for women and men. Buddhists in traditions that offer equal opportunities for women need to take an active interest in working for gender equality in those Buddhist traditions that deny equality to women.

For a Buddhist society to be complete, it must have four constituencies: bhiksus, bhiksunis, upasakas and upasikas. If bhiksuni ordination is not available to women in certain Buddhist traditions, bhiksunis from those traditions that have living bhiksuni lineages can be invited to perform ordinations and nuns from the Japanese, Theravadin, and Tibetan traditions can be encouraged to receive full ordination. According to the Dharmagupta school of Bhiksuni Vinaya, once ten nuns have received bhiksuni ordination and have maintained their ordination purely for ten years, those bhiksunis may then conduct a valid bhiksuni ordination for others. This paper examines the reasons currently given to explain why the reinstitution of the Bhiksuni Sangha is not being endorsed and encouraged in the Japanese, Theravadin, and Tibetan traditions.

July 15
Morning Bridging Contemplation and Social Action

REACHING OUT TO ELDERS: SOCIAL ACTIVISM AMONG KOREAN BUDDHIST NUNS
Ven. Neungin Sunim
Joong Ang Sangha University

Taking the example of the Ilsan Senior Welfare Center in Ilsan, Korea, I will introduce a special program that focuses on connecting the older generation with the younger. This program offers inter-family cooperation, which expands the current nuclear family unit to extended families. The program activities also facilitate the integration of families into the community, providing a future direction for elder care programs that has great potential.

July 15
Afternoon Bridging Generations

REACHING ALL GENERATIONS: BUDDHIST OUTREACH IN TAIWAN
Dr. Elise A. DeVido
Associate Professor, National Taiwan Normal University

Since 1949, institutionalized Pure Land Buddhism has seen tremendous growth in Taiwan. Especially since the economic take-off and end of martial law in the 1980s, the population of Buddhists in Taiwan has increased from 800,000 followers in 1983 to around 3.67 million Buddhists today. Taken as a whole, Buddhist organizations in Taiwan are also rich in property and resources. What is the secret of their success?

This paper will focus on one aspect, namely, how Taiwan's worldly Buddhism proselytizes and attracts lay followers from among the following four categories: children; high school/college students; adults, and senior citizens. Because Taiwan is a group-oriented society, Buddhists in Taiwan naturally focus on methods of group mobilization and utilize proselytizing traditions from both within and without the Buddhism. The former include large-scale Buddhist gatherings, lectures and sermons, one-day, three-day and seven-day retreats, Chan retreats, lay ordination ceremonies, pilgrimages, celebration of Buddhist holidays, free publications, and classes on Buddhism.

Buddhist organizations in Taiwan also adopt methods that are familiar to people from their schools and clubs (group-spirit rallies, community education, fairs, auctions, and formal degree programs), Boy and Girl Scouts (summer/winter camps and hobby classes), and Christian groups (camps, religious retreats, and charity drives). In addition, Buddhist temple organizations hold scholarly conferences, art exhibitions, and concerts which enrich and elevate Taiwan cultural life. Finally, Buddhist organizations reach all generations through newspapers, television stations and programs, websites, magazines, and tapes.

Towards the goal of creating a Pure Land on this earth, Buddhist groups in Taiwan have promoted the values of community involvement and volunteerism. They have developed a concern for the common good that is new to the traditionally family-oriented culture in Taiwan and have directed Taiwanese to ponder spiritual/ethical questions in addition to their ordinary material and pragmatic concerns. Yet difficult questions remain: What is especially Buddhist about these lay organizations? How are they still akin to secular Chinese group culture? And what are the characteristics common to any modern civil society? Have some Buddhist temples and lay organizations become too commercialized? Do they ironically run the risk of fragmentation into special-interest groups competing for survival in the feel-good, fast-food-style cultural market of today's society?

BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: COMMUNICATING THE DHARMA ACROSS GENERATIONS
Dr. Renlang Shi
Huafan University

In this presentation, I will approach the topic of bridging generations from the perspective of one who is both a traditionally trained Buddhist nun and, at the same, a Western-educated woman with a Ph.D. in Buddhist Studies. In this sense, like many people of my generation, I combine two perspectives, one traditional and one modern (or Western). For me, the traditional perspective is more associated with religious practice, specifically Buddhist practice, whereas the Western perspective is more associated with knowledge and academic training. Here I will discuss the question of bridging generations from the perspective of Buddhist practice, because that is the essential foundation of my life as a Buddhist nun, whereas the intellectual approach is to expand my knowledge and understanding of Buddhism. Of these two perspectives, the traditional and the modern, it is the traditional way of practice that seems unchangeable, because it is a reliable path to achieving the main goal of Buddhist practice, which is to become an enlightened Buddha. But even though the goal of traditional training is to become enlightened, the method of teaching and training can still be flexible.

Intellectual training may not seem closely related to the aim of achieving enlightenment, but it is an expedient means of understanding what Buddhism is, as viewed from a broader perspective. For instance, each of the different Buddhist traditions has its own history, system of thought, and method of training. We do not need to know all of them in order to become enlightened. We only need one. But as scholars, we need to know the whole tradition in order to teach Buddhism well.

Another aspect of communicating Dharma across generations concerns the teacher/disciple relationship. Each generation has its own unique character, influenced by its particular social, historical, and cultural conditions. The difference between a traditional master, such as my master Ven. Shig Hiu Wan, and a teacher of the younger generation, such as myself, is not great. It is mostly a difference in the degree of understanding and level of spiritual development. My master was also a different generation from her master, Ven. Tanxu, the 43rd Patriarch of the Tiantai School. So even though she seems very traditional to us, she was a pioneer in her own time. In that generation, during the 1950s, she was unique in being the only female disciple of this famous Tiantai master. Moreover, she was unique in being an internationally famous artist, rather than a traditional Buddhist. As an artist, painter, poet, writer, philosopher, educator, Ven. Shig Hiu Wan was a pioneer in many fields. She was also the first ordained nun to teach at a university in Taiwan when she began teaching in 1972. She broke through many social and cultural boundaries, and was successful in her struggle because of her own unique background. When I was studying with her as an undergraduate, no matter how hard I studied, I could not become a painter, poet, or writer. Instead, because of my own personal inclinations, I tried to become a scholar of Buddhist history. As I follow the teachings of my master, I still have to search for my own particular path, my own way to become enlightened. But despite these differences, I am primarily a Buddhist practitioner, which is my main aim. The whole process of daily life, which includes my new job as a professor and administrator, which involves communicating with all kinds of people, and my own meditation practice, all contribute to my own insight and my own development of awareness and wisdom, a realization that will ultimately be my own. The new generation cannot accept the old teaching style unquestioningly. The world is changing so rapidly and social conditions and human relationships have shifted so radically, both teachers and disciples have to be very patient and gentle. Regardless of the new knowledge and broad experience we of the younger generation may have, we still need the wisdom to discern the difference between a master and a disciple.

July 16
Morning Bridging Value Systems: Ancient & Modern

A PLUM TREE IN THE PURE LAND
Dr. Yixun Huang
College of William and Mary

Pure Land Practice, known as an "easy path" in Buddhism, is welcomed by numerous Buddhist practitioners regardless of their age, capacity, or gender. This paper begins with a textual analysis based on Pure Land Sutras illustrating the reasons why Pure Land, in comparison with other Buddhist practices, is the most compelling and accessible practice for female Buddhist practitioners. It introduces the stories of Buddhist women described in the Collection of Accounts of Rebirth in the Pure Land (Wangsheng ji), compiled by the Buddhist monk Zhuhong (1532-1612) during the Ming Dynasty and published in 1584 .The Collection of Accounts of Rebirth in the Pure Land contains 227stories of Pure Land practitioners, divided into various categories: monks, kings and nobles, laymen, nuns, women, evil-doers, and animals. There are 32 stories about Buddhist women. These stories explain the reasons for starting Pure Land practice and the meaning of the practice for these 32 Buddhist women who lived in China prior to the 16th century.

The paper continues with the story of a successful businesswoman in the modern era who has been a Pure Land practitioner for about 20 years and owns the Plum Tree, a vegetarian restaurant in New York City. The paper explains the reasons why she began Pure Land practice and the influence of the practice on her family, business, and, especially, her goals in life.

In conclusion, this paper shows the similar influences that motivated these two women from different backgrounds and eras-one in China before the 16th century and one in New York City in modern times-to begin Pure Land practice. Their stories demonstrate the importance of Pure Land practice for Buddhist women, across time and culture.

VEN. MIAOQING AND YUANTONG CHAN NUNNERY: A NEW BEGINNING FOR MONASTIC WOMEN IN TAIWAN
Stefania Travagnin
National Zhengzhi University

The main aim of my research is to trace the origins of the Bhiksuni Sangha in Taiwan. I begin by exploring the daily life and practice of Buddhist women in Taiwan during the Japanese occupation. Second, I seek to discover, from the perspective of female Buddhist practitioners, how Chinese Buddhism was transmitted and spread in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period.

First, I explain why I chose Yuantong Chan Nunnery for the purposes of my research. Nowadays Yuantong Chan Nunnery, located in Zhonghe (Taipei county), is foremost a tourist spot for Taiwanese people. But it also deserves to be remembered as the first nunnery founded in Taiwan, having been established in 1926. This achievement was a result of the efforts of Ven. Miaoqing, a Buddhist nun and a disciple of Ven. Jueli. I will explain why Yuan Chan is considered the first Buddhist nunnery in Taiwan, when there were other places of religious practice for female disciples of the Dharma. I will therefore be specifically concerned with the theme of monastic ordination for women in Taiwan.

My research is based on oral narratives gathered during a few visits to the nunnery, and on written materials, in the form of few lines found in books, and passages quoted in historical Buddhist magazines (for instance, Nan'e bukkyokai). My two main sources were the autobiography of Ven. Dajin, a disciple of Ven. Miaoqing, and a poem entitled Yi zuo (Past Memories), written by Ven. Miaoqing before she died. This poem is a brief but meaningful testimony to the life of a female Chan master.

After a brief introduction and description of Yuanton Chan Nunnery, I discuss its history. The founder, Ven. Miaoqing, is one of the so-called niguwang, or "monastic empresses." Ven. Miaoqing (whose secular name was Lin Tu) was born in 1901, in Xinzhu county. In 1917, she was fully ordained under Ven. Jueli at Fayun Monastery, where, in the following years, she received her monastic education and training. In 1926, she moved from Xinzhu to Zhonghe (Taibei county) for the purpose of founding Yuantong Chan Nunnery.

In Taiwan, "unorthodox Buddhism" is generally considered representative of "ancient" values, whereas "orthodox Buddhism" is conceived of as being more "modern." This study of Ven. Miaoqing and Yuantong Chan Nunnery investigates the relationship between the so-called zhaijiao ("vegetarian religion") and orthodox Chinese Buddhism, as well as the problem of the monastic ordination for women in Taiwan.

This paper also addresses the theme of bridging va lue systems because Ven. Miaoqing's teacher and precept master was Ven. Jueli, a Buddhist monk from mainland China who was a bridge between mainland Chinese Buddhism and Taiwanese Buddhist. Ven. Jueli was the founder of one of the four great lineages of Taiwanese Buddhism, the Fayun Monastery lineage based in Fayun Monastery in Dahu (Miaoli county). He helped to revitalize and develop Buddhism in Taiwan through two main commitments: (1) to sponsor full ordination ceremonies, and (2) to promote monastic education, especially training for nuns. For these reasons, Ven. Jueli can be considered a "modernizer" of Taiwanese Buddhism. This paper investigates how Ven. Jueli's ideals influenced Ven. Miaoqing's actions, especially in the context of nuns' education and training. It examines successive generations of Ven. Miaoqing's disciples, particularly Ven. Dajin, based on interviews with nuns who are still in residence at the nunnery today, to discover how they follow the ideals of the founder in daily life and practice, as well as in the main chanting ceremonies and services that are performed in the nunnery.

OVERCOMING TRADITION AND TRANSFORMING THE FUTURE: THE MEANING AND SIGNIFICANCE OF EDUCATION FOR KOREAN BUDDHIST NUNS
Ven. Bongak Sunim
Joong Ang Sangha University

After a brief overview of the history of the order of Buddhist nuns in Korea and their traditional system of education in seminaries and training centers, I will focus on the significance of education for Buddhist nuns. Despite the long history, extensive lineage, and formidable presence of Korean nuns in contemporary Korean Buddhism, a major imbalance still exists between their status and that of male monks. The major administrative posts within the Chogye order-the major order of Korean Buddhism-are occupied by monks, and all 25 head monasteries are led by monks. However, nuns are given equal opportunities within the educational system, which I believe is the best hope for the future possibility of change. Equipped with a high level of education and training, Korean Buddhist nuns will be able to raise their voices and expand their activities in the areas of transmitting Dharma, preserving Buddhist and traditional culture, and firmly planting Buddhist values in Korean society.

TRANSFORMING INSTEAD OF SLAYING THE "RED DRAGON"
Yeshe Choekyi Lhamo
Australian National University

The view that the female body is polluted is a widespread phenomenon in many cultures, religions and societies and is by no means unique to popular Buddhist discourse. In general, Buddhism deems the body, in general, as a filthy entity that is useful insofar as it is the vehicle to attain enlightenment. However, because it is impermanent and thus subject to decay, and because it emits foul substances, Buddhist scriptures draw a rather negative picture of the human body. Nonetheless, it seems that sutras neither depict the female body as dirtier than the male, nor do they promulgate the view that women are polluted. Still, some Buddhist scriptures do represent the female body in quite derogatory terms, which must be understood within the socio-cultural context of the texts' creation. The depictions were aimed at monks as a means to overcome their attachment to women. They were never intended as a source of women's degradation, let alone of their spiritual capacities.

Quite the contrary, the Buddha clearly told Ananda that women have the same potential to attain enlightenment as men. Despite scriptural testimony to the equality of both sexes with regard to spiritual practice and embodiment, many Taiwanese Buddhists still believe that women's spiritual potential falls short of men's. Indeed, popular Buddhist discourse perpetuates such a view. This comes to light in the belief that women stop menstruating as their spiritual prowess increases. Moreover, many women are told not to meditate when menstruating or during pregnancy. Such notions unambiguously elevate the spiritual status of men. They simultaneously suppress femininity and restrain the spiritual practice of Buddhist women. Spiritual practice is the very basis for attaining enlightenment. Thus these beliefs, in curtailing the self-esteem and spiritual cultivation of women, seriously endanger the attainment of women's enlightenment.

This paper aims at bridging the gap between Chinese traditional views of the female body, Western feminist views, and Vajrayana Buddhist practice. I believe that many Taiwanese Buddhist women could benefit greatly from both traditions, so that rather than rejecting their bodies and femininity, they could put an end to such suppressive views, and instead transform their embodiment into an advantage in their spiritual practice. This paper is based on fieldwork in Taiwan during 1999 and between 2001-2002, as well as my own experience as a female Buddhist novice in Taiwan. I will first relate some of my experiences as a novice before analyzing empirical and archival data.

July 16
Afternoon Bridging Study & Practice

THE EIGHT SPECIAL RULES: THEORY AND PRACTICE
Weiyi Zheng
School of Oriental and African Studies

This essay is an initial summary of my Ph.D. thesis on Buddhist nuns in Taiwan and Sri Lanka For this thesis, I conducted survey and interviews with Buddhist nuns in both countries. However, not long into my fieldwork, I came to realize that there is a great difference between the cultural and social conditions in Taiwan and Sri Lanka. Thus I began to doubt how realistic it is to take feminist theories that have been developed in one particular culture and then try to apply them in practice in the context of another, very different culture.

For example, the Eight Special Rules are often criticized by feminists in both the West and Asia. These rules are seen as sexist, placing Buddhist nuns in an inferior position relative to the monks. Although in theory, feminist criticisms of the Eight Special Rules may be valid, in practice, the Eight Special Rules may have different meanings and significance for Buddhist nuns under different cultural and social conditions. Drawing on my fieldwork experiences in Taiwan and Sri Lanka, I will give a simple introduction to the role of cultural and social conditions in these countries in the perception and treatment of nuns and monks, and how feminist theory may be different from everyday Buddhist practice. I will examine how economic factors affect the lives of Buddhist women in these two countries.

RELIGIOSITY AND LEADERSHIP AMONG TAIWANESE BUDDHIST NUNS
Dr. Yuzhen Li
Qinghua University

More and more women are taking active roles in Taiwanese Buddhist institutions, and their participation is changing the power distribution within what has traditionally been a sphere dominated by men. For instance, in a national investigation of Buddhist leadership published in a leading Buddhist publication, four nuns were selected as being among Taiwan's ten most influential Buddhist leaders. In first place was Ven. Zhengyan of Ciji Foundation, in fifth place was Ven. Shig Hiu Wan of Huafan University, in eighth place was Ven. Hengqing of National Taiwan University, and in tenth place was Ven. Zhaohui of Hongshi Buddhist Institute. These nuns were selected for their contributions to society as a whole, their activities as religious leaders and leaders in Taiwanese society, and their roles in reformulating women's religious commitment in new ways. Another well-known Taiwanese bhiksuni was Ven. Wuming ("anonymous nun") whose nunnery in Miaoli hosts more than 5,000 religious pilgrimages in any given week. Ven. Wuming, who passed away in 1985, practiced asceticism, made a vow of fasting and silence, and refused all interviews, but her miraculous healing powers made her a legend in Taiwan.

In this paper I will explore the religious representations and social reputations of these five Buddhist nuns. A comparison of their lives and achievements will help us understand the factors that have contributed to their prominence and legitimized female leadership in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism.

PREACHING TO THE UNCONVERTED: DE-MARGINALISING THE BUDDHISM OF WOMEN IN BUDDHIST STUDIES
Kate Crosby
School of Oriental and African Studies

In spite of the blossoming of studies on Buddhist women in the past two decades, much of the information and findings reached in such studies are not incorporated into fields other than gender studies. Key historical events that are accepted as fact by those who are studying Buddhist women are rejected outright by some Buddhist scholars. At the same time, new findings are disregarded without close consideration or even go unnoticed entirely. I intend to examine factors that contribute to this continued marginalization of women's studies and women's history within Buddhist studies.

The focus of my study is university teaching. My view is that many academic writings preach either to the converted or, less commonly, assume a hostile unconverted audience. Neither stance aids the inclusion of gender-awareness into the so-called "mainstream." Instead, the "mainstream" then becomes marginalized and two separate traditions run in parallel, neither benefiting from advances in the other. I shall look at the nature of current writings, the audience they address, the issue of faith versus academic writing, the positing and rejection of superior feminist soteriologies, the issue of acceptable authorities, and whether or not the style of current writings presents an obstacle to their use in academia, given the explicit goals of higher education.

I shall also examine whether it is possible to write with a view to different types of audiences, in a way that makes such writings acceptable to "mainstream" academia, without alienating those interested in Buddhist women or gender studies. I shall examine examples of more accepted studies, to see whether, for example, the style of discourse or the gender of the author is a factor in how material is received. Finally I shall examine how one may use current writings, and offer ways of, and reasons for, adapting studies to inform the broader field of Buddhist studies.

This presentation looks at how the current "engaged" writings within studies of Buddhist women continue to have little, or a rather variable, impact on the study of Buddhism at universities. Such writings include those published as proceedings of Sakyadhita conferences or by members of Sakyadhita more generally. The presentation will analyze the reasons for this continued marginalization and attempt to identify what characteristics allow some writings to gain wider acceptance than others. The paper contribute to the broader discussion of how issues of gender can be demarginalized within religious studies and the reasons for attempting to do so.

NUNS OF THE MENDICANT TRADITION IN VIETNAM
Ven. Tri Lien
Delhi University

There are two main traditions of Buddhism in the world today, namely, Theravada and Mahayana. Besides these two traditions, in Vietnam there is also the Vietnam Mendicant Sangha, a new feature of Vietnam Buddhism. The Vietnamese Mendicant Sangha was founded in 1946 by Master Minh Dang Quang, who was born at Phu Hau, Tam Binh, Vinh Long, in 1923. After his disappearance in 1954, his disciples carried on spreading his way of practice, which has spread throughout Vietnam.

Monks (bhikkhus) and nuns (bhikkhunis) wear yellow robes and go for alms like monks and nuns of the Theravada tradition. They follow a vegetarian diet and the bhikkhunis observe the 348 rules of Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, like the Mahayana tradition. Vietnam Mendicant nuns spend their life traveling, changing their dwellings every three to six months. They do not handle money. They chant the sutras daily in Vietnamese, unlike the Theravada tradition that uses Pali and the Mahayana tradition that uses Chinese with Vietnamese pronunciation. Mendicant nuns study both the Nikaya sutras and the Mahayana sutras.

The late venerable nun Huynh Lien (1923-1987), who became the head nun of the Vietnam Mendicant Nuns Order, was born at Phu My, Tien Giang, in1923. With her innate intelligence, strong will, and conscientious effort in practicing the Dharma, Huynh Lien was delegated by her master to lead all of the nuns in the Vietnam Mendicant Order. For 40 years (from 1947 to 1987), she devoted her life to propagating the Dharma. She wished to protect and help women, so she made a vow, as follows: "I vow that I will eternally be reborn in a woman's body, because there are countless miserable women in the world, and it will be very easy to be close to them and help them, even though I know it will be a difficult task."

There are now more than 120 pagodas in this tradition, with over 1,000 nuns in three regions of Vietnam: west, south, and central. Huynh Lien's great loving kindness and boundless compassion extended to all human beings. She took part in many charitable works for the good of society, such as establishing orphanages and schools, visiting hospitals and prisons, promoting peace, ensuring equal rights for men and women, and so on. She recognized that the quality of nuns would improve in relation to the educational opportunities offered to them. At Ngoc Phuong Pagoda, she established many courses in Dharma, Pali, English, Chinese, literature, painting, and so on, which drew many young nuns from all Mendicant Nun pagodas.

This paper will trace the development of the Mendicant Nuns and investigate the reasons for its increasing popularity in modern Vietnam. In particular, it will discuss the importance of education for the advancement of nuns in this unique Buddhist tradition. In conclusion, it will examine the achievements and future prospects of the Mendicant Nuns Sangha.